David Cameron makes his choice
Start with last year. On becoming Prime Minister, Mr Cameron surprised more than a few of his colleagues by appointing Mr Clarke to his current ministry, and not the business department he had shadowed in opposition. The thinking went something like this: Ken is as old as sin and as tough as teak. He can run a difficult department like Justice, keep civil servants in check and find big savings in his budget. As an added bonus, he would not flinch from the blows that were inevitably going to rain down on a Government making deep cuts in public spending.
And even his (many) critics would concede that Mr Clarke is a big and important figure. He became an MP in 1970, before the current Chancellor of the Exchequer was born. He has done the Chancellor's job and a hatful of others at the top of government, including a spell as health secretary, where his NHS reforms were condemned with a ferocity that makes Andrew Lansley's current torment seem mild.
One of his less-remembered posts was as Home Secretary, from 1992 to 1993. Regarded by some Tories as far too liberal and too sympathetic to the judiciary, he was once rated by Civitas, a Right-wing think tank, as the worst home secretary in history.
In that job, he made no secret of his doubts about the virtue of jailing large numbers of offenders. And as one of his old colleagues points out, "Ken has never changed his mind about anything, ever". So it should have come as no surprise that given control over sentencing policy and the prison system once again, Mr Clarke picked up where he left things nearly two decades earlier. In his first major speech last summer, he gleefully dismissed the "Prison Works" shibboleth of the Conservative Right. Instead of "warehousing" thousands of young men in crowded jails, the Coalition would oversee a "rehabilitation revolution", focusing less on punishing offenders for their last crime than on trying to prevent their next one.
Right-wingers seethed, but Mr Clarke had two powerful assets. First, financial necessity. In the Spending Review, the Ministry of Justice was handed a budget cut of 23 per cent by 2014-15, meaning savings of £1.6 billion. When a prison place can cost more than £40,000 a year and around 85,000 people are behind bars, that could only mean jailing fewer people.
Second and more importantly, Mr Clarke had the Prime Minister's tacit approval for his approach. Yes, it was difficult and incurred the wrath of Right-wing Tories and headline-writers alike, but Mr Cameron was on-side, determined not to be blown off course by passing storms and the 24-hour news cycle.
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The origins of this sex-denying ethic were cultural, not scriptural. Other issues, such as the inheritance of church property for the many priests with families, also led to the church increasingly to insist on absolute priestly celibacy.

In fact, its origins are much earlier, a year ago. Or perhaps 50, depending on how you reckon it. Start with last year. On becoming Prime Minister, Mr Cameron surprised more than a few of his colleagues by appointing Mr Clarke to his current ministry,
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